Crossposted with TomDispatch.com
Afghanistan still awaits final results from the nationwide election held last month to fill the 249 seats of the lower house of parliament. Deciding which of the more than 2,500 candidates won takes time because the Electoral Complaints Commission that investigates voting irregularities, made up of five men handpicked by Afghan President Hamid Karzai, was swamped by more than 4,200 complaints.
Last year, when Karzai himself ran for reelection, he busied himself with backroom deals, while his supporters were caught red-handed stuffing ballot boxes and having a good laugh. Every Afghan knew that the president who had been foisted on them by foreigners in 2001 was stealing the election. Yet the international community, led by the United States, proclaimed the process if not exactly “free and fair,” at least “credible” -- which is to say: Hey, what’s a little fraud among friends?
With that experience so fresh in memory, the current Electoral Complaints Commission went to work with unusual efficiency, resolving most complaints with unaccustomed speed. And last week the chairman of the Independent Election Commission, an oversight body also selected by President Karzai, announced that it would throw out as invalid almost a quarter of the 5.6 million votes cast. Until that moment Afghans, who aspire to democracy, had hoped for a more honest election than the charade that returned Karzai to power in 2009. No such luck. The partial results of this one look just as bad as the presidential vote, with roughly the same percentage of ballots invalidated.
While dumping fraudulent votes may give the appearance of rigorous oversight, the numbers raise a new mystery: where did those votes come from? In the two days following the election last month, the running total of votes cast rose from 3.6 million to 4.4 million. Now, it has suddenly jumped again to 5.6 million -- of which 1.3 million ballots have been discarded, leaving a total of 4.3 million valid votes. Election-watcher Martine van Bijlert of the Afghanistan Analysts Network described the attitude of the Independent Election Commission this way: “If you want to know where the additional votes came from: They were added fraudulently, now they have been removed, and that is really all you need to know.”
Perhaps noting that the fraud factor was holding steady, a spokesman for the Independent Election Commission declared that a level of fraud with more than one in five votes considered phony is “normal” in an election.
Thus do official bodies in Afghanistan’s widely advertised new democracy -- the one for which our troops are fighting -- smooth over all irregularities and make short work of making do, of overseeing elections as usual: not free, not fair, just good enough for Afghans?
But are they?
Without waiting for final results, what passes for “the international community” has already pronounced the elections a “success,” but an email from a parliamentary candidate, a woman I know named Mahbouba Seraj, tells a different story:
I honestly don’t know from where to start. My frustration, disappointment, and anger are so great I am afraid they might get the better of me. I was involved in the first presidential election of Afghanistan in 2004 and the first parliamentary election in 2005, but oh how different those elections were. I won’t say they were better because they too were captured by the War Lords, Commanders, and criminals -- just like this election -- but the level of fraud and corruption was nothing compared to this. Those men used force and got elected by their rifles and machine guns, but this election was… unbelievable. I have no other word to use.
Many “unbelievable” stories litter this election, but Seraj’s tale is especially instructive because, in the end, it is all too believable. In fact, it’s a pretty simple story of courageous idealism confounded by big men with money.
On the Campaign Trail
When I last saw candidate Seraj in Kabul, the Afghan capital, in July, she was about to leave for Nuristan Province to campaign. It was a brave undertaking. Nuristan lies in the northeast of the country, sandwiched between Panshir Province and Pakistan, along the southern face of the Hindu Kush, a monumental sub-range of the Himalayas. Its precipitous slopes and high valleys are so forbidding and remote that even Islam did not reach Nuristanis until the late nineteenth century, and they are to this day considered a unique people.
The Taliban move freely in Nuristan. In 2008, they almost overran a U.S. base there, killing nine American soldiers. Then-Afghan war commander General Stanley McChrystal responded by withdrawing American troops from all four of their major bases in the province. The U.S. military high command has given up on certain Afghan locales -- in 2010, American troops notably left the deadly and unattainable Korengal Valley, not far from Nuristan -- but never before to my knowledge had they given up on a whole province.
Nevertheless, Seraj, a woman of fierce energy, wanted to represent the people of the Duaba and Mondawel districts in western Nuristan, where her grandmother was born. She put it this way to me: “I believe in democracy so much. I want it so much for Afghanistan. I tell my constituents, ‘I don’t believe in buying votes as so many candidates do. Please give them to me willingly, because then you will have your representative in Parliament who will truly serve you.’”
Worried for her safety, I reminded her that, during the 2005 parliamentary campaign in her province, another female candidate, Hawa Nuristani, and several of her staff had been shot.
“Yes,” Seraj agreed, “but she survived, and she won.”
Mahbouba Seraj’s recent email about her election race was not meant for me alone. It was addressed this way: “To my beautiful and forgotten province and its lovely and amazing people.” It was an English translation of an open letter she had written to her constituents explaining why, in this important election, they had not been able to vote at all. Reading it made clear why she considered the election of 2010 even more outrageous than previous shameful Afghan escapades in electioneering and fraud.
In 2005, the men in power in Nuristan had tried to murder the candidate they opposed. Since then they have learned that the internationals -- read Americans -- will accept any results as long as the election process looks reasonably good. In 2010, far more sophisticated, they murdered democracy simply by killing time.
As Seraj wrote:
First of all, Nuristan had not been made ready for an election. They didn’t have Army and police personnel to provide security as promised. Then the hard-working head of the election committee of Nuristan was fired two weeks before polling day because some powerful candidates complained about him to the Election Commission. The young man who replaced him seemed to have no idea what his job was, yet he made sure the ballot boxes didn’t get to Mondawel and Duaba districts, which very conveniently happened to be my constituencies.
The most incredible part of the story is that this young man had the power to stop a plane that was ready to take off to deliver the ballot boxes. He refused to hand over the ballot boxes for Mondawel district to the official in charge of the district and the staff of armed men designated to carry the ballots through the mountains to all the remote polling centers in Mondawel. He created delays and made excuses for days until it was too late.
Officials in Kabul were also well-versed in the technique. When Seraj tried to contact the head of the Independent Election Commission in Kabul, she reported:
His very polite assistant would talk to me and tell me, ‘I will ask Mr. So-and-so to call you back,’ but he never did. Finally, I had to leave Nuristan and come to Kabul to meet with him, but when I arrived for our appointment, he had left the city to take care of other problems, and somehow I had not been notified.
That day I tried to get in touch with anyone I could think of who might be able to help -- the Minister of Defense, the Head of the United Nations in Kabul, Mr. de Mistura, and other officials at UNAMA [The U.N. Assistance Mission in Afghanistan] -- but everyone was engaged. By then I knew the level of fraud and corruption in Nuristan was going to hit the roof, and it did. Ballots were stolen from polling stations and scattered on the mountainsides or taken to people’s houses and filled out. To the last minute, people were offering to buy and sell voting cards and votes. What could we do? My campaign manager and I filled out complaints to the Election Complaints Commissions in both Nuristan and Kabul.
Those complaints must now be among the thousands filed by people all over the country with similar disappointed dreams of real Afghan democracy -- the very complaints now being so efficiently dealt with in Kabul even as disgruntled voters take to the streets of Herat, Kunduz, Paktia, Ghor, and other cities to protest mass disqualifications that seem to fall inequitably on certain areas or ethnic groups. Yet angry voters and candidates are turned away from the Election Complaints Commission with useless, unregistered receipts. Recognizing election proceedings that look “eerily familiar,” analyst van Bijlert notes: “The processes that are aimed at cleaning up the vote and dismissing fraudulent ballots have become so murky that they themselves are now widely seen as simply the next phase of manipulation.”
Democratic Dreaming
Mahbouba Seraj acquired her dreams of democracy from her ancestors -- and from America. She is the granddaughter of Habibullah, who was the progressive amir or king of Afghanistan from 1901 to 1919, and the great granddaughter of Abdur Rahman, the amir of Afghanistan from 1880 to 1901. He introduced Islam to Nuristanis, gave Afghanistan its present borders, and for the first time subdued its disparate tribes, bringing them under centralized rule. She is also the niece of Amanullah, the modernizing amir who ruled from 1919 to 1929, pioneering in the fields of education and women’s rights, winning a war against the British, and gaining the country its independence.
Seraj herself graduated from Kabul University before being thrown into prison with her family after the monarchy was overthrown in 1973. The family fled the country in 1978 before the impending Soviet invasion and took refuge in the United States where, Seraj says, “I lived, learned, worked, and in the end buried both my parents.” Her life changed completely when she saw an Afghan video of the Taliban executing a woman, clad in a faded blue burqa, in Kabul Stadium where, as a girl, she had happily watched games of soccer and buzkashi -- Afghan polo -- and had once attended a concert given by Duke Ellington.
When the Taliban fell, she returned to Kabul and went to work as a volunteer. She trained young diplomats for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; she trained women parliamentary candidates in the arts of political campaigning and, after they were elected in 2005, in the arts of legislation. She also created and hosted a national public-service radio program called "Our Beloved Afghanistan" and taught aspiring Afghan businesswomen at the American University of Afghanistan.
Then, last summer she went to Nuristan to campaign. To her supporters back in Kabul she then wrote:
I want to help the most underserved people in the whole of Afghanistan, the Nuristanis. If only the world knew how these magnificent people live in these great valleys of Nuristan, without roads, schools, hospitals, electricity, or any of the basic necessities of life. The women of Nuristan do all the difficult physical work. They gather wood, they pick the fruit from the trees, they tend their animals and their children and their husbands, and they walk for miles, climbing steep mountains with huge loads on their backs and their kids in their arms. I want to be a voice for Nuristan. I want to put it back on the map of Afghanistan.
In her most recent message to her constituents, she wrote:
Now, I have no idea how the Election Complaints Commission is going to decide who has won this election. The ECC keeps saying, ‘We have criteria and will decide accordingly.’ But I wonder what criteria they will apply to candidates who have not received votes from their constituencies because some few people got paid to prevent the votes from being cast. Perhaps the government will abandon Nuristan, or perhaps it will pick its own winner and call this “A SUCCESSFUL AND JUST ELECTION SPECIALLY FOR NURISTAN PROVINCE, THE MOST BACKWARD, POOR, BEAUTIFUL, AND FORGOTTEN PROVINCE OF AFGHANISTAN.
Such a conclusion might be good enough for many Afghans whose dreams of democracy faded even before last year’s presidential election when word first began to circulate nationwide that the fix was in for Karzai. At least it would be no more than they have come to expect from repeated exercises in counterfeit democracy staged, it seems, more for the benefit of international audiences (and voters) than for the Afghan electorate.
Here’s a question for Americans: Would such a conclusion be good enough for us? We are, after all, citizens of the democracy that installed the largely fundamentalist government of Afghanistan in the first place, labeled it “democratic,” and staged the first Afghan presidential election in 2004 with unseemly haste as George W. Bush eyed his own run for reelection. Assuming command in Afghanistan in 2010, General David Petraeus was careful to set American expectations low: "We're not trying to turn Afghanistan into Switzerland in five years or less," he said. "What's good enough, traditional organizing structures and so forth are certainly fine."
International apologists for “good enough” who foot the bill and stage Afghan elections no longer even pretend to aim for standards like those of Switzerland -- standards that nonetheless enter the democratic dreams of a great many Afghans. They assume instead that Afghans naturally cheat. As it happens, Mahbouba Seraj does not. And while it may be unreasonable to expect perfection, the fact that Afghan elections grow ever more crooked as the years pass, and Afghan voters increasingly disillusioned, suggests that Afghans are learning to play (if they care to play at all) by what they take to be American rules.
Put yourself in the place of an Afghan for a moment. When you see photographs of President Karzai’s men stuffing ballot boxes, and a U.S. president not only telephones to congratulate him on his victory, while admitting that the election was “a little messy,” but also sends more troops to shore up his government, what are you to make of it? What else could you make of it but that Americans are complicit in the whole corrupt and costly enterprise? If you were a Nuristani, eager to cast a vote for a splendid woman candidate, and the ballots never came, what in the world would you make of that?
If you were Mahbouba Seraj, believing fervently in democracy, such things might break your heart. If you are an American voter uneasy about the course of our democracy, well, maybe you ought to give some thought to this other Afghan democracy: the one we’ve set up, paid for, and sent our soldiers to fight for as an example to the world -- a small but increasingly transparent replica of our own.
Ann Jones, a TomDispatch regular, is the author of Kabul in Winter: Life Without Peace in Afghanistan and the just published War Is Not Over When It’s Over: Women Speak Out from the Ruins of War (Metropolitan 2010). Having returned temporarily from conflict zones, she is undergoing culture shock as a fellow of the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study at Harvard University.
Copyright 2010 Ann Jones
Or at least, we’ll tell you whatever they’re about to tell us, and it appears more than likely that it’ll have something to do with phones, contact lists, and a mysterious connection to Firefox, iPhone, Google Chrome OS, and two of the most rock and roll developers in the world: Joe Hewitt and Matthew Papakipos. We’ll be at a special Mobile Event at Facebook HQ on November 3rd and we’ll be able to tell you all about it. Until then, speculation below!
Informed speculation time! That’s almost the best kind, right? Let’s take a quick walk back to mid September, where our pals at TechCrunch were tipped by an anonymous source that Facebook was building a phone. This was the same sort of situation that went down less than a year ago when the world received secret news that Google was building a phone. I think you know how that turned out.
It is sais that Joe Hewitt and Matthew Papakipos, both of them high level employees at Facebook, are said to be secretly working on this project, and that because of their fabulous super powers in mobile OS, they’re going to rock it really hard. Both of them have a whoa-is-who list of accomplishments that’d make them powerhouse additions to any developer team for a phone.
Papakipos was leading the Google Chrome OS project for a while until he quit that project in June 2010. He quit and joined the Facebook team instead. Hewitt, on the other hand, helped create the Firefox browser and worked on “web-based operating system” Parakey before it was acquired by Facebook in 2007. Hewitt is also responsible for designing all of Facebook’s iPhone web apps and native apps, but quit that particular job late 2009.
So boom, baby. How realistic is this? Very. The other thing is that this doesn’t necessarily have to be a phone. It could be a giant addition to Facebook in the form of an app that works everywhere, including your desktop, working as a big fat list of your friends with whom you can now not only message and post on walls for free, you can now call. Face to face, Facebook. That’s my informed guess for the day.
One more addition from the streets is that there’s a man named Li Ka-Shing possibly in on this equation. This man is a very big investor who very recently was said to be putting money in a pot with some other folks going toward a phone project with INQ and Spotify. Li Ka-Shing is also a bigtime investor in Facebook. Is a phone developed between INQ and Facebook in the works? Spot gets the square.
Again let me remind you to be around here on SlashGear all day November 3rd. We’ll be at the Facebook Mobile meeting at Facebook headquarters, and you can bet we’ll be relaying the info they give to us quick as a bunny!
[Via TechCrunch]
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Fox <b>News</b> Dominates Election Ratings – Deadline.com
UPDATED WITH FINAL NUMBERS: Fox News towered over the competition -- cable and broadcast -- with its midterm election coverage last night. According to Nielsen, Fox News averaged 7 million viewers in primetime, up 128% from the ...
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Facebook quietly introduced an "Unlike Page" button into its News Feed recently, which allows users to opt-out of receiving unwanted messages from pages they had previously said they ...
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Crossposted with TomDispatch.com
Afghanistan still awaits final results from the nationwide election held last month to fill the 249 seats of the lower house of parliament. Deciding which of the more than 2,500 candidates won takes time because the Electoral Complaints Commission that investigates voting irregularities, made up of five men handpicked by Afghan President Hamid Karzai, was swamped by more than 4,200 complaints.
Last year, when Karzai himself ran for reelection, he busied himself with backroom deals, while his supporters were caught red-handed stuffing ballot boxes and having a good laugh. Every Afghan knew that the president who had been foisted on them by foreigners in 2001 was stealing the election. Yet the international community, led by the United States, proclaimed the process if not exactly “free and fair,” at least “credible” -- which is to say: Hey, what’s a little fraud among friends?
With that experience so fresh in memory, the current Electoral Complaints Commission went to work with unusual efficiency, resolving most complaints with unaccustomed speed. And last week the chairman of the Independent Election Commission, an oversight body also selected by President Karzai, announced that it would throw out as invalid almost a quarter of the 5.6 million votes cast. Until that moment Afghans, who aspire to democracy, had hoped for a more honest election than the charade that returned Karzai to power in 2009. No such luck. The partial results of this one look just as bad as the presidential vote, with roughly the same percentage of ballots invalidated.
While dumping fraudulent votes may give the appearance of rigorous oversight, the numbers raise a new mystery: where did those votes come from? In the two days following the election last month, the running total of votes cast rose from 3.6 million to 4.4 million. Now, it has suddenly jumped again to 5.6 million -- of which 1.3 million ballots have been discarded, leaving a total of 4.3 million valid votes. Election-watcher Martine van Bijlert of the Afghanistan Analysts Network described the attitude of the Independent Election Commission this way: “If you want to know where the additional votes came from: They were added fraudulently, now they have been removed, and that is really all you need to know.”
Perhaps noting that the fraud factor was holding steady, a spokesman for the Independent Election Commission declared that a level of fraud with more than one in five votes considered phony is “normal” in an election.
Thus do official bodies in Afghanistan’s widely advertised new democracy -- the one for which our troops are fighting -- smooth over all irregularities and make short work of making do, of overseeing elections as usual: not free, not fair, just good enough for Afghans?
But are they?
Without waiting for final results, what passes for “the international community” has already pronounced the elections a “success,” but an email from a parliamentary candidate, a woman I know named Mahbouba Seraj, tells a different story:
I honestly don’t know from where to start. My frustration, disappointment, and anger are so great I am afraid they might get the better of me. I was involved in the first presidential election of Afghanistan in 2004 and the first parliamentary election in 2005, but oh how different those elections were. I won’t say they were better because they too were captured by the War Lords, Commanders, and criminals -- just like this election -- but the level of fraud and corruption was nothing compared to this. Those men used force and got elected by their rifles and machine guns, but this election was… unbelievable. I have no other word to use.
Many “unbelievable” stories litter this election, but Seraj’s tale is especially instructive because, in the end, it is all too believable. In fact, it’s a pretty simple story of courageous idealism confounded by big men with money.
On the Campaign Trail
When I last saw candidate Seraj in Kabul, the Afghan capital, in July, she was about to leave for Nuristan Province to campaign. It was a brave undertaking. Nuristan lies in the northeast of the country, sandwiched between Panshir Province and Pakistan, along the southern face of the Hindu Kush, a monumental sub-range of the Himalayas. Its precipitous slopes and high valleys are so forbidding and remote that even Islam did not reach Nuristanis until the late nineteenth century, and they are to this day considered a unique people.
The Taliban move freely in Nuristan. In 2008, they almost overran a U.S. base there, killing nine American soldiers. Then-Afghan war commander General Stanley McChrystal responded by withdrawing American troops from all four of their major bases in the province. The U.S. military high command has given up on certain Afghan locales -- in 2010, American troops notably left the deadly and unattainable Korengal Valley, not far from Nuristan -- but never before to my knowledge had they given up on a whole province.
Nevertheless, Seraj, a woman of fierce energy, wanted to represent the people of the Duaba and Mondawel districts in western Nuristan, where her grandmother was born. She put it this way to me: “I believe in democracy so much. I want it so much for Afghanistan. I tell my constituents, ‘I don’t believe in buying votes as so many candidates do. Please give them to me willingly, because then you will have your representative in Parliament who will truly serve you.’”
Worried for her safety, I reminded her that, during the 2005 parliamentary campaign in her province, another female candidate, Hawa Nuristani, and several of her staff had been shot.
“Yes,” Seraj agreed, “but she survived, and she won.”
Mahbouba Seraj’s recent email about her election race was not meant for me alone. It was addressed this way: “To my beautiful and forgotten province and its lovely and amazing people.” It was an English translation of an open letter she had written to her constituents explaining why, in this important election, they had not been able to vote at all. Reading it made clear why she considered the election of 2010 even more outrageous than previous shameful Afghan escapades in electioneering and fraud.
In 2005, the men in power in Nuristan had tried to murder the candidate they opposed. Since then they have learned that the internationals -- read Americans -- will accept any results as long as the election process looks reasonably good. In 2010, far more sophisticated, they murdered democracy simply by killing time.
As Seraj wrote:
First of all, Nuristan had not been made ready for an election. They didn’t have Army and police personnel to provide security as promised. Then the hard-working head of the election committee of Nuristan was fired two weeks before polling day because some powerful candidates complained about him to the Election Commission. The young man who replaced him seemed to have no idea what his job was, yet he made sure the ballot boxes didn’t get to Mondawel and Duaba districts, which very conveniently happened to be my constituencies.
The most incredible part of the story is that this young man had the power to stop a plane that was ready to take off to deliver the ballot boxes. He refused to hand over the ballot boxes for Mondawel district to the official in charge of the district and the staff of armed men designated to carry the ballots through the mountains to all the remote polling centers in Mondawel. He created delays and made excuses for days until it was too late.
Officials in Kabul were also well-versed in the technique. When Seraj tried to contact the head of the Independent Election Commission in Kabul, she reported:
His very polite assistant would talk to me and tell me, ‘I will ask Mr. So-and-so to call you back,’ but he never did. Finally, I had to leave Nuristan and come to Kabul to meet with him, but when I arrived for our appointment, he had left the city to take care of other problems, and somehow I had not been notified.
That day I tried to get in touch with anyone I could think of who might be able to help -- the Minister of Defense, the Head of the United Nations in Kabul, Mr. de Mistura, and other officials at UNAMA [The U.N. Assistance Mission in Afghanistan] -- but everyone was engaged. By then I knew the level of fraud and corruption in Nuristan was going to hit the roof, and it did. Ballots were stolen from polling stations and scattered on the mountainsides or taken to people’s houses and filled out. To the last minute, people were offering to buy and sell voting cards and votes. What could we do? My campaign manager and I filled out complaints to the Election Complaints Commissions in both Nuristan and Kabul.
Those complaints must now be among the thousands filed by people all over the country with similar disappointed dreams of real Afghan democracy -- the very complaints now being so efficiently dealt with in Kabul even as disgruntled voters take to the streets of Herat, Kunduz, Paktia, Ghor, and other cities to protest mass disqualifications that seem to fall inequitably on certain areas or ethnic groups. Yet angry voters and candidates are turned away from the Election Complaints Commission with useless, unregistered receipts. Recognizing election proceedings that look “eerily familiar,” analyst van Bijlert notes: “The processes that are aimed at cleaning up the vote and dismissing fraudulent ballots have become so murky that they themselves are now widely seen as simply the next phase of manipulation.”
Democratic Dreaming
Mahbouba Seraj acquired her dreams of democracy from her ancestors -- and from America. She is the granddaughter of Habibullah, who was the progressive amir or king of Afghanistan from 1901 to 1919, and the great granddaughter of Abdur Rahman, the amir of Afghanistan from 1880 to 1901. He introduced Islam to Nuristanis, gave Afghanistan its present borders, and for the first time subdued its disparate tribes, bringing them under centralized rule. She is also the niece of Amanullah, the modernizing amir who ruled from 1919 to 1929, pioneering in the fields of education and women’s rights, winning a war against the British, and gaining the country its independence.
Seraj herself graduated from Kabul University before being thrown into prison with her family after the monarchy was overthrown in 1973. The family fled the country in 1978 before the impending Soviet invasion and took refuge in the United States where, Seraj says, “I lived, learned, worked, and in the end buried both my parents.” Her life changed completely when she saw an Afghan video of the Taliban executing a woman, clad in a faded blue burqa, in Kabul Stadium where, as a girl, she had happily watched games of soccer and buzkashi -- Afghan polo -- and had once attended a concert given by Duke Ellington.
When the Taliban fell, she returned to Kabul and went to work as a volunteer. She trained young diplomats for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; she trained women parliamentary candidates in the arts of political campaigning and, after they were elected in 2005, in the arts of legislation. She also created and hosted a national public-service radio program called "Our Beloved Afghanistan" and taught aspiring Afghan businesswomen at the American University of Afghanistan.
Then, last summer she went to Nuristan to campaign. To her supporters back in Kabul she then wrote:
I want to help the most underserved people in the whole of Afghanistan, the Nuristanis. If only the world knew how these magnificent people live in these great valleys of Nuristan, without roads, schools, hospitals, electricity, or any of the basic necessities of life. The women of Nuristan do all the difficult physical work. They gather wood, they pick the fruit from the trees, they tend their animals and their children and their husbands, and they walk for miles, climbing steep mountains with huge loads on their backs and their kids in their arms. I want to be a voice for Nuristan. I want to put it back on the map of Afghanistan.
In her most recent message to her constituents, she wrote:
Now, I have no idea how the Election Complaints Commission is going to decide who has won this election. The ECC keeps saying, ‘We have criteria and will decide accordingly.’ But I wonder what criteria they will apply to candidates who have not received votes from their constituencies because some few people got paid to prevent the votes from being cast. Perhaps the government will abandon Nuristan, or perhaps it will pick its own winner and call this “A SUCCESSFUL AND JUST ELECTION SPECIALLY FOR NURISTAN PROVINCE, THE MOST BACKWARD, POOR, BEAUTIFUL, AND FORGOTTEN PROVINCE OF AFGHANISTAN.
Such a conclusion might be good enough for many Afghans whose dreams of democracy faded even before last year’s presidential election when word first began to circulate nationwide that the fix was in for Karzai. At least it would be no more than they have come to expect from repeated exercises in counterfeit democracy staged, it seems, more for the benefit of international audiences (and voters) than for the Afghan electorate.
Here’s a question for Americans: Would such a conclusion be good enough for us? We are, after all, citizens of the democracy that installed the largely fundamentalist government of Afghanistan in the first place, labeled it “democratic,” and staged the first Afghan presidential election in 2004 with unseemly haste as George W. Bush eyed his own run for reelection. Assuming command in Afghanistan in 2010, General David Petraeus was careful to set American expectations low: "We're not trying to turn Afghanistan into Switzerland in five years or less," he said. "What's good enough, traditional organizing structures and so forth are certainly fine."
International apologists for “good enough” who foot the bill and stage Afghan elections no longer even pretend to aim for standards like those of Switzerland -- standards that nonetheless enter the democratic dreams of a great many Afghans. They assume instead that Afghans naturally cheat. As it happens, Mahbouba Seraj does not. And while it may be unreasonable to expect perfection, the fact that Afghan elections grow ever more crooked as the years pass, and Afghan voters increasingly disillusioned, suggests that Afghans are learning to play (if they care to play at all) by what they take to be American rules.
Put yourself in the place of an Afghan for a moment. When you see photographs of President Karzai’s men stuffing ballot boxes, and a U.S. president not only telephones to congratulate him on his victory, while admitting that the election was “a little messy,” but also sends more troops to shore up his government, what are you to make of it? What else could you make of it but that Americans are complicit in the whole corrupt and costly enterprise? If you were a Nuristani, eager to cast a vote for a splendid woman candidate, and the ballots never came, what in the world would you make of that?
If you were Mahbouba Seraj, believing fervently in democracy, such things might break your heart. If you are an American voter uneasy about the course of our democracy, well, maybe you ought to give some thought to this other Afghan democracy: the one we’ve set up, paid for, and sent our soldiers to fight for as an example to the world -- a small but increasingly transparent replica of our own.
Ann Jones, a TomDispatch regular, is the author of Kabul in Winter: Life Without Peace in Afghanistan and the just published War Is Not Over When It’s Over: Women Speak Out from the Ruins of War (Metropolitan 2010). Having returned temporarily from conflict zones, she is undergoing culture shock as a fellow of the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study at Harvard University.
Copyright 2010 Ann Jones
Or at least, we’ll tell you whatever they’re about to tell us, and it appears more than likely that it’ll have something to do with phones, contact lists, and a mysterious connection to Firefox, iPhone, Google Chrome OS, and two of the most rock and roll developers in the world: Joe Hewitt and Matthew Papakipos. We’ll be at a special Mobile Event at Facebook HQ on November 3rd and we’ll be able to tell you all about it. Until then, speculation below!
Informed speculation time! That’s almost the best kind, right? Let’s take a quick walk back to mid September, where our pals at TechCrunch were tipped by an anonymous source that Facebook was building a phone. This was the same sort of situation that went down less than a year ago when the world received secret news that Google was building a phone. I think you know how that turned out.
It is sais that Joe Hewitt and Matthew Papakipos, both of them high level employees at Facebook, are said to be secretly working on this project, and that because of their fabulous super powers in mobile OS, they’re going to rock it really hard. Both of them have a whoa-is-who list of accomplishments that’d make them powerhouse additions to any developer team for a phone.
Papakipos was leading the Google Chrome OS project for a while until he quit that project in June 2010. He quit and joined the Facebook team instead. Hewitt, on the other hand, helped create the Firefox browser and worked on “web-based operating system” Parakey before it was acquired by Facebook in 2007. Hewitt is also responsible for designing all of Facebook’s iPhone web apps and native apps, but quit that particular job late 2009.
So boom, baby. How realistic is this? Very. The other thing is that this doesn’t necessarily have to be a phone. It could be a giant addition to Facebook in the form of an app that works everywhere, including your desktop, working as a big fat list of your friends with whom you can now not only message and post on walls for free, you can now call. Face to face, Facebook. That’s my informed guess for the day.
One more addition from the streets is that there’s a man named Li Ka-Shing possibly in on this equation. This man is a very big investor who very recently was said to be putting money in a pot with some other folks going toward a phone project with INQ and Spotify. Li Ka-Shing is also a bigtime investor in Facebook. Is a phone developed between INQ and Facebook in the works? Spot gets the square.
Again let me remind you to be around here on SlashGear all day November 3rd. We’ll be at the Facebook Mobile meeting at Facebook headquarters, and you can bet we’ll be relaying the info they give to us quick as a bunny!
[Via TechCrunch]
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Fox <b>News</b> Dominates Election Ratings – Deadline.com
UPDATED WITH FINAL NUMBERS: Fox News towered over the competition -- cable and broadcast -- with its midterm election coverage last night. According to Nielsen, Fox News averaged 7 million viewers in primetime, up 128% from the ...
<b>News</b> - Blake Lively, Leonardo DiCaprio Go Out for Dinner - Movies <b>...</b>
Home | News | Style & Beauty | Moms & Babies | Movies, TV & Music | Healthy Lifestyle | Celebrities � Photos | Video. Subscribe: Magazine | Newsletter | RSS � Subscriber Services | Media Kit | Contact Us | Privacy Policy | Terms of Use ...
Facebook "Unlike" Button Comes to the <b>News</b> Feed
Facebook quietly introduced an "Unlike Page" button into its News Feed recently, which allows users to opt-out of receiving unwanted messages from pages they had previously said they ...
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Fox <b>News</b> Dominates Election Ratings – Deadline.com
UPDATED WITH FINAL NUMBERS: Fox News towered over the competition -- cable and broadcast -- with its midterm election coverage last night. According to Nielsen, Fox News averaged 7 million viewers in primetime, up 128% from the ...
<b>News</b> - Blake Lively, Leonardo DiCaprio Go Out for Dinner - Movies <b>...</b>
Home | News | Style & Beauty | Moms & Babies | Movies, TV & Music | Healthy Lifestyle | Celebrities � Photos | Video. Subscribe: Magazine | Newsletter | RSS � Subscriber Services | Media Kit | Contact Us | Privacy Policy | Terms of Use ...
Facebook "Unlike" Button Comes to the <b>News</b> Feed
Facebook quietly introduced an "Unlike Page" button into its News Feed recently, which allows users to opt-out of receiving unwanted messages from pages they had previously said they ...
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Crossposted with TomDispatch.com
Afghanistan still awaits final results from the nationwide election held last month to fill the 249 seats of the lower house of parliament. Deciding which of the more than 2,500 candidates won takes time because the Electoral Complaints Commission that investigates voting irregularities, made up of five men handpicked by Afghan President Hamid Karzai, was swamped by more than 4,200 complaints.
Last year, when Karzai himself ran for reelection, he busied himself with backroom deals, while his supporters were caught red-handed stuffing ballot boxes and having a good laugh. Every Afghan knew that the president who had been foisted on them by foreigners in 2001 was stealing the election. Yet the international community, led by the United States, proclaimed the process if not exactly “free and fair,” at least “credible” -- which is to say: Hey, what’s a little fraud among friends?
With that experience so fresh in memory, the current Electoral Complaints Commission went to work with unusual efficiency, resolving most complaints with unaccustomed speed. And last week the chairman of the Independent Election Commission, an oversight body also selected by President Karzai, announced that it would throw out as invalid almost a quarter of the 5.6 million votes cast. Until that moment Afghans, who aspire to democracy, had hoped for a more honest election than the charade that returned Karzai to power in 2009. No such luck. The partial results of this one look just as bad as the presidential vote, with roughly the same percentage of ballots invalidated.
While dumping fraudulent votes may give the appearance of rigorous oversight, the numbers raise a new mystery: where did those votes come from? In the two days following the election last month, the running total of votes cast rose from 3.6 million to 4.4 million. Now, it has suddenly jumped again to 5.6 million -- of which 1.3 million ballots have been discarded, leaving a total of 4.3 million valid votes. Election-watcher Martine van Bijlert of the Afghanistan Analysts Network described the attitude of the Independent Election Commission this way: “If you want to know where the additional votes came from: They were added fraudulently, now they have been removed, and that is really all you need to know.”
Perhaps noting that the fraud factor was holding steady, a spokesman for the Independent Election Commission declared that a level of fraud with more than one in five votes considered phony is “normal” in an election.
Thus do official bodies in Afghanistan’s widely advertised new democracy -- the one for which our troops are fighting -- smooth over all irregularities and make short work of making do, of overseeing elections as usual: not free, not fair, just good enough for Afghans?
But are they?
Without waiting for final results, what passes for “the international community” has already pronounced the elections a “success,” but an email from a parliamentary candidate, a woman I know named Mahbouba Seraj, tells a different story:
I honestly don’t know from where to start. My frustration, disappointment, and anger are so great I am afraid they might get the better of me. I was involved in the first presidential election of Afghanistan in 2004 and the first parliamentary election in 2005, but oh how different those elections were. I won’t say they were better because they too were captured by the War Lords, Commanders, and criminals -- just like this election -- but the level of fraud and corruption was nothing compared to this. Those men used force and got elected by their rifles and machine guns, but this election was… unbelievable. I have no other word to use.
Many “unbelievable” stories litter this election, but Seraj’s tale is especially instructive because, in the end, it is all too believable. In fact, it’s a pretty simple story of courageous idealism confounded by big men with money.
On the Campaign Trail
When I last saw candidate Seraj in Kabul, the Afghan capital, in July, she was about to leave for Nuristan Province to campaign. It was a brave undertaking. Nuristan lies in the northeast of the country, sandwiched between Panshir Province and Pakistan, along the southern face of the Hindu Kush, a monumental sub-range of the Himalayas. Its precipitous slopes and high valleys are so forbidding and remote that even Islam did not reach Nuristanis until the late nineteenth century, and they are to this day considered a unique people.
The Taliban move freely in Nuristan. In 2008, they almost overran a U.S. base there, killing nine American soldiers. Then-Afghan war commander General Stanley McChrystal responded by withdrawing American troops from all four of their major bases in the province. The U.S. military high command has given up on certain Afghan locales -- in 2010, American troops notably left the deadly and unattainable Korengal Valley, not far from Nuristan -- but never before to my knowledge had they given up on a whole province.
Nevertheless, Seraj, a woman of fierce energy, wanted to represent the people of the Duaba and Mondawel districts in western Nuristan, where her grandmother was born. She put it this way to me: “I believe in democracy so much. I want it so much for Afghanistan. I tell my constituents, ‘I don’t believe in buying votes as so many candidates do. Please give them to me willingly, because then you will have your representative in Parliament who will truly serve you.’”
Worried for her safety, I reminded her that, during the 2005 parliamentary campaign in her province, another female candidate, Hawa Nuristani, and several of her staff had been shot.
“Yes,” Seraj agreed, “but she survived, and she won.”
Mahbouba Seraj’s recent email about her election race was not meant for me alone. It was addressed this way: “To my beautiful and forgotten province and its lovely and amazing people.” It was an English translation of an open letter she had written to her constituents explaining why, in this important election, they had not been able to vote at all. Reading it made clear why she considered the election of 2010 even more outrageous than previous shameful Afghan escapades in electioneering and fraud.
In 2005, the men in power in Nuristan had tried to murder the candidate they opposed. Since then they have learned that the internationals -- read Americans -- will accept any results as long as the election process looks reasonably good. In 2010, far more sophisticated, they murdered democracy simply by killing time.
As Seraj wrote:
First of all, Nuristan had not been made ready for an election. They didn’t have Army and police personnel to provide security as promised. Then the hard-working head of the election committee of Nuristan was fired two weeks before polling day because some powerful candidates complained about him to the Election Commission. The young man who replaced him seemed to have no idea what his job was, yet he made sure the ballot boxes didn’t get to Mondawel and Duaba districts, which very conveniently happened to be my constituencies.
The most incredible part of the story is that this young man had the power to stop a plane that was ready to take off to deliver the ballot boxes. He refused to hand over the ballot boxes for Mondawel district to the official in charge of the district and the staff of armed men designated to carry the ballots through the mountains to all the remote polling centers in Mondawel. He created delays and made excuses for days until it was too late.
Officials in Kabul were also well-versed in the technique. When Seraj tried to contact the head of the Independent Election Commission in Kabul, she reported:
His very polite assistant would talk to me and tell me, ‘I will ask Mr. So-and-so to call you back,’ but he never did. Finally, I had to leave Nuristan and come to Kabul to meet with him, but when I arrived for our appointment, he had left the city to take care of other problems, and somehow I had not been notified.
That day I tried to get in touch with anyone I could think of who might be able to help -- the Minister of Defense, the Head of the United Nations in Kabul, Mr. de Mistura, and other officials at UNAMA [The U.N. Assistance Mission in Afghanistan] -- but everyone was engaged. By then I knew the level of fraud and corruption in Nuristan was going to hit the roof, and it did. Ballots were stolen from polling stations and scattered on the mountainsides or taken to people’s houses and filled out. To the last minute, people were offering to buy and sell voting cards and votes. What could we do? My campaign manager and I filled out complaints to the Election Complaints Commissions in both Nuristan and Kabul.
Those complaints must now be among the thousands filed by people all over the country with similar disappointed dreams of real Afghan democracy -- the very complaints now being so efficiently dealt with in Kabul even as disgruntled voters take to the streets of Herat, Kunduz, Paktia, Ghor, and other cities to protest mass disqualifications that seem to fall inequitably on certain areas or ethnic groups. Yet angry voters and candidates are turned away from the Election Complaints Commission with useless, unregistered receipts. Recognizing election proceedings that look “eerily familiar,” analyst van Bijlert notes: “The processes that are aimed at cleaning up the vote and dismissing fraudulent ballots have become so murky that they themselves are now widely seen as simply the next phase of manipulation.”
Democratic Dreaming
Mahbouba Seraj acquired her dreams of democracy from her ancestors -- and from America. She is the granddaughter of Habibullah, who was the progressive amir or king of Afghanistan from 1901 to 1919, and the great granddaughter of Abdur Rahman, the amir of Afghanistan from 1880 to 1901. He introduced Islam to Nuristanis, gave Afghanistan its present borders, and for the first time subdued its disparate tribes, bringing them under centralized rule. She is also the niece of Amanullah, the modernizing amir who ruled from 1919 to 1929, pioneering in the fields of education and women’s rights, winning a war against the British, and gaining the country its independence.
Seraj herself graduated from Kabul University before being thrown into prison with her family after the monarchy was overthrown in 1973. The family fled the country in 1978 before the impending Soviet invasion and took refuge in the United States where, Seraj says, “I lived, learned, worked, and in the end buried both my parents.” Her life changed completely when she saw an Afghan video of the Taliban executing a woman, clad in a faded blue burqa, in Kabul Stadium where, as a girl, she had happily watched games of soccer and buzkashi -- Afghan polo -- and had once attended a concert given by Duke Ellington.
When the Taliban fell, she returned to Kabul and went to work as a volunteer. She trained young diplomats for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; she trained women parliamentary candidates in the arts of political campaigning and, after they were elected in 2005, in the arts of legislation. She also created and hosted a national public-service radio program called "Our Beloved Afghanistan" and taught aspiring Afghan businesswomen at the American University of Afghanistan.
Then, last summer she went to Nuristan to campaign. To her supporters back in Kabul she then wrote:
I want to help the most underserved people in the whole of Afghanistan, the Nuristanis. If only the world knew how these magnificent people live in these great valleys of Nuristan, without roads, schools, hospitals, electricity, or any of the basic necessities of life. The women of Nuristan do all the difficult physical work. They gather wood, they pick the fruit from the trees, they tend their animals and their children and their husbands, and they walk for miles, climbing steep mountains with huge loads on their backs and their kids in their arms. I want to be a voice for Nuristan. I want to put it back on the map of Afghanistan.
In her most recent message to her constituents, she wrote:
Now, I have no idea how the Election Complaints Commission is going to decide who has won this election. The ECC keeps saying, ‘We have criteria and will decide accordingly.’ But I wonder what criteria they will apply to candidates who have not received votes from their constituencies because some few people got paid to prevent the votes from being cast. Perhaps the government will abandon Nuristan, or perhaps it will pick its own winner and call this “A SUCCESSFUL AND JUST ELECTION SPECIALLY FOR NURISTAN PROVINCE, THE MOST BACKWARD, POOR, BEAUTIFUL, AND FORGOTTEN PROVINCE OF AFGHANISTAN.
Such a conclusion might be good enough for many Afghans whose dreams of democracy faded even before last year’s presidential election when word first began to circulate nationwide that the fix was in for Karzai. At least it would be no more than they have come to expect from repeated exercises in counterfeit democracy staged, it seems, more for the benefit of international audiences (and voters) than for the Afghan electorate.
Here’s a question for Americans: Would such a conclusion be good enough for us? We are, after all, citizens of the democracy that installed the largely fundamentalist government of Afghanistan in the first place, labeled it “democratic,” and staged the first Afghan presidential election in 2004 with unseemly haste as George W. Bush eyed his own run for reelection. Assuming command in Afghanistan in 2010, General David Petraeus was careful to set American expectations low: "We're not trying to turn Afghanistan into Switzerland in five years or less," he said. "What's good enough, traditional organizing structures and so forth are certainly fine."
International apologists for “good enough” who foot the bill and stage Afghan elections no longer even pretend to aim for standards like those of Switzerland -- standards that nonetheless enter the democratic dreams of a great many Afghans. They assume instead that Afghans naturally cheat. As it happens, Mahbouba Seraj does not. And while it may be unreasonable to expect perfection, the fact that Afghan elections grow ever more crooked as the years pass, and Afghan voters increasingly disillusioned, suggests that Afghans are learning to play (if they care to play at all) by what they take to be American rules.
Put yourself in the place of an Afghan for a moment. When you see photographs of President Karzai’s men stuffing ballot boxes, and a U.S. president not only telephones to congratulate him on his victory, while admitting that the election was “a little messy,” but also sends more troops to shore up his government, what are you to make of it? What else could you make of it but that Americans are complicit in the whole corrupt and costly enterprise? If you were a Nuristani, eager to cast a vote for a splendid woman candidate, and the ballots never came, what in the world would you make of that?
If you were Mahbouba Seraj, believing fervently in democracy, such things might break your heart. If you are an American voter uneasy about the course of our democracy, well, maybe you ought to give some thought to this other Afghan democracy: the one we’ve set up, paid for, and sent our soldiers to fight for as an example to the world -- a small but increasingly transparent replica of our own.
Ann Jones, a TomDispatch regular, is the author of Kabul in Winter: Life Without Peace in Afghanistan and the just published War Is Not Over When It’s Over: Women Speak Out from the Ruins of War (Metropolitan 2010). Having returned temporarily from conflict zones, she is undergoing culture shock as a fellow of the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study at Harvard University.
Copyright 2010 Ann Jones
Or at least, we’ll tell you whatever they’re about to tell us, and it appears more than likely that it’ll have something to do with phones, contact lists, and a mysterious connection to Firefox, iPhone, Google Chrome OS, and two of the most rock and roll developers in the world: Joe Hewitt and Matthew Papakipos. We’ll be at a special Mobile Event at Facebook HQ on November 3rd and we’ll be able to tell you all about it. Until then, speculation below!
Informed speculation time! That’s almost the best kind, right? Let’s take a quick walk back to mid September, where our pals at TechCrunch were tipped by an anonymous source that Facebook was building a phone. This was the same sort of situation that went down less than a year ago when the world received secret news that Google was building a phone. I think you know how that turned out.
It is sais that Joe Hewitt and Matthew Papakipos, both of them high level employees at Facebook, are said to be secretly working on this project, and that because of their fabulous super powers in mobile OS, they’re going to rock it really hard. Both of them have a whoa-is-who list of accomplishments that’d make them powerhouse additions to any developer team for a phone.
Papakipos was leading the Google Chrome OS project for a while until he quit that project in June 2010. He quit and joined the Facebook team instead. Hewitt, on the other hand, helped create the Firefox browser and worked on “web-based operating system” Parakey before it was acquired by Facebook in 2007. Hewitt is also responsible for designing all of Facebook’s iPhone web apps and native apps, but quit that particular job late 2009.
So boom, baby. How realistic is this? Very. The other thing is that this doesn’t necessarily have to be a phone. It could be a giant addition to Facebook in the form of an app that works everywhere, including your desktop, working as a big fat list of your friends with whom you can now not only message and post on walls for free, you can now call. Face to face, Facebook. That’s my informed guess for the day.
One more addition from the streets is that there’s a man named Li Ka-Shing possibly in on this equation. This man is a very big investor who very recently was said to be putting money in a pot with some other folks going toward a phone project with INQ and Spotify. Li Ka-Shing is also a bigtime investor in Facebook. Is a phone developed between INQ and Facebook in the works? Spot gets the square.
Again let me remind you to be around here on SlashGear all day November 3rd. We’ll be at the Facebook Mobile meeting at Facebook headquarters, and you can bet we’ll be relaying the info they give to us quick as a bunny!
[Via TechCrunch]
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Fox <b>News</b> Dominates Election Ratings – Deadline.com
UPDATED WITH FINAL NUMBERS: Fox News towered over the competition -- cable and broadcast -- with its midterm election coverage last night. According to Nielsen, Fox News averaged 7 million viewers in primetime, up 128% from the ...
<b>News</b> - Blake Lively, Leonardo DiCaprio Go Out for Dinner - Movies <b>...</b>
Home | News | Style & Beauty | Moms & Babies | Movies, TV & Music | Healthy Lifestyle | Celebrities � Photos | Video. Subscribe: Magazine | Newsletter | RSS � Subscriber Services | Media Kit | Contact Us | Privacy Policy | Terms of Use ...
Facebook "Unlike" Button Comes to the <b>News</b> Feed
Facebook quietly introduced an "Unlike Page" button into its News Feed recently, which allows users to opt-out of receiving unwanted messages from pages they had previously said they ...
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Fox <b>News</b> Dominates Election Ratings – Deadline.com
UPDATED WITH FINAL NUMBERS: Fox News towered over the competition -- cable and broadcast -- with its midterm election coverage last night. According to Nielsen, Fox News averaged 7 million viewers in primetime, up 128% from the ...
<b>News</b> - Blake Lively, Leonardo DiCaprio Go Out for Dinner - Movies <b>...</b>
Home | News | Style & Beauty | Moms & Babies | Movies, TV & Music | Healthy Lifestyle | Celebrities � Photos | Video. Subscribe: Magazine | Newsletter | RSS � Subscriber Services | Media Kit | Contact Us | Privacy Policy | Terms of Use ...
Facebook "Unlike" Button Comes to the <b>News</b> Feed
Facebook quietly introduced an "Unlike Page" button into its News Feed recently, which allows users to opt-out of receiving unwanted messages from pages they had previously said they ...
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Fox <b>News</b> Dominates Election Ratings – Deadline.com
UPDATED WITH FINAL NUMBERS: Fox News towered over the competition -- cable and broadcast -- with its midterm election coverage last night. According to Nielsen, Fox News averaged 7 million viewers in primetime, up 128% from the ...
<b>News</b> - Blake Lively, Leonardo DiCaprio Go Out for Dinner - Movies <b>...</b>
Home | News | Style & Beauty | Moms & Babies | Movies, TV & Music | Healthy Lifestyle | Celebrities � Photos | Video. Subscribe: Magazine | Newsletter | RSS � Subscriber Services | Media Kit | Contact Us | Privacy Policy | Terms of Use ...
Facebook "Unlike" Button Comes to the <b>News</b> Feed
Facebook quietly introduced an "Unlike Page" button into its News Feed recently, which allows users to opt-out of receiving unwanted messages from pages they had previously said they ...
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Fox <b>News</b> Dominates Election Ratings – Deadline.com
UPDATED WITH FINAL NUMBERS: Fox News towered over the competition -- cable and broadcast -- with its midterm election coverage last night. According to Nielsen, Fox News averaged 7 million viewers in primetime, up 128% from the ...
<b>News</b> - Blake Lively, Leonardo DiCaprio Go Out for Dinner - Movies <b>...</b>
Home | News | Style & Beauty | Moms & Babies | Movies, TV & Music | Healthy Lifestyle | Celebrities � Photos | Video. Subscribe: Magazine | Newsletter | RSS � Subscriber Services | Media Kit | Contact Us | Privacy Policy | Terms of Use ...
Facebook "Unlike" Button Comes to the <b>News</b> Feed
Facebook quietly introduced an "Unlike Page" button into its News Feed recently, which allows users to opt-out of receiving unwanted messages from pages they had previously said they ...
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Fox <b>News</b> Dominates Election Ratings – Deadline.com
UPDATED WITH FINAL NUMBERS: Fox News towered over the competition -- cable and broadcast -- with its midterm election coverage last night. According to Nielsen, Fox News averaged 7 million viewers in primetime, up 128% from the ...
<b>News</b> - Blake Lively, Leonardo DiCaprio Go Out for Dinner - Movies <b>...</b>
Home | News | Style & Beauty | Moms & Babies | Movies, TV & Music | Healthy Lifestyle | Celebrities � Photos | Video. Subscribe: Magazine | Newsletter | RSS � Subscriber Services | Media Kit | Contact Us | Privacy Policy | Terms of Use ...
Facebook "Unlike" Button Comes to the <b>News</b> Feed
Facebook quietly introduced an "Unlike Page" button into its News Feed recently, which allows users to opt-out of receiving unwanted messages from pages they had previously said they ...
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The Writer's Digest Handbook of Making Money Freelance Writing, from the editors of Writer's Digest magazine, offers insight for writers seeking to turn to a freelance writing career.
For those starting out in the business, or those looking for inspiration from other freelance writers, this book offers information from various authors on how to keep the money flowing in; how to call an editor; guide to copyright, work for hire situations; the art of negotiation; how to make time for writing; beating taxes; work expenses and so on.
There are three sections in the book covering the above aspects and many more: Section 1- Conducting the Freelance Business, lists twenty-two articles on how to bring in the money, tips for the beginning freelancer, setting your rates, billing your clients, tax tips, making a full-time impression even though you are a part-time writer, and many more.
When I started my freelance career, the most important article to me in this section was, "Four Tips for Beginning Freelancers", by Liza Galin Asher.
In her article, Liza reveals some good tips for new freelancers to keep them on the right path. The first tip, Writing is a business, she talks about how freelancers are actually like salespeople only their ideas are their "products". This really is key to remember because if a freelancer doesn't work selling their written work, their talent and creativity will not be printed and thus, will go unnoticed. The more experience the freelancer gets in selling their work as well as writing it, they will become more proficient and will not have to focus so much on selling their work.
Think small and Local. Here Liza urges the freelancer to remember their goal is to get published and to jump to writing articles for big time magazines like Vanity Fair, or Vogue. Freelancers should start out writing for newspapers, trade newspapers and magazines in their neighborhood. It is good to start small and work your way up.
Liza says the best way to get the most out of what you write is to keep re-selling the articles you have already written. Once you sell and article, go back to it and re-write it with a new angle and submit it elsewhere. An article is never retired so long as you can keep putting a new spin on it each time your write, or add important information that has recently become available. Also keep in mind to resubmit rejected articles to other publications. Just because one place didn't find a need for your work, doesn't mean someone else will reject you.
Lastly, Liza reminds novice freelancers that just because you sold your first piece, doesn't mean it is time to quite your job. The freelance writing life is uncertain and there are many lulls from when you make your first sale until the next time you make a sale. She does mention that if your salary from freelancing makes at least fifty percent of your regular job's salary, then you would probably be safe in quitting your real job.
Section 2 - Freelance Opportunities, lists fifteen articles on: the market for writers, expenses, work for hire, ghostwriting, using pictures with work, as well as a few others.
One good article from this sections is Dennis E. Hensley's "Simple Steps to Multiple Marketing". Here Dennis, lists the various levels of smallest local publishers to the largest circulation periodicals as well as their pay ranges.
He also talks about the four requirements freelancers must have in order to sell their work to more than one editor. Freelancers should make sure their previous work doesn't overlap too much with the reprint readers market's audience. He states how he did this by selling a piece to Detroit Free Press and then selling the same piece to The Fort Wayne News-Sentinel as people in Indian didn't receive the Detroit Free Press.
When you are selling the same piece of writing to a different editor than you did before, be sure to send in different photos than you sent in last time with the submission. This will offer a new visual perspective to readers who may have already read the article somewhere else. Yet, if you don't have new photos, it is best to send in the same photos you used before with the manuscript than to send in no photos at all.
When you are writing for a new publication, freelancers should re-write their article in the style of their target market. Freelancer should study any back issues they can get in order to determine the correct tone and slant to use when re-working their piece.
Adding news items relevant to your readers is also a good idea.
Hensley urges writers to remember to sell only their one time rights as selling all rights, removes the author's say in how their work is used. The author also will not be able to use that work elsewhere.
Lastly, Hensley talks about seven ways for freelancers to get multiple sales from their work.
Section 3 - The Freelancer's Lifestyle, has eleven articles covering the topics of: making time to write, home office, handling distractions and interruptions, quitting your day job and so on.
The most important issue I find among people who like to write is finding the time to do so. Robyn Carr's article "How to Make Time to Write" approaches this obstacle. She talks about how some people don't sit down to write because of the lack of time. They don't want to start writing in fear that they may not have time to continue the following day. Other reasons include being too exhausted at the end of days work to think straight and many writers fear they will be interrupted when they do sit down and begin scratching pen to paper, or typing on their computers.
As well as their being many reasons not to write, Robyn also talks about different kinds of writers such as all-or-nothing writer, scheduled writer, catch-as-can writer, and the super writer. No matter what kind of writer you are, you probably have a busy schedule that either includes a little time for writing, or none at all. Robyn suggests rearranging your schedule to fit writing time when it will not be of an inconvenience to your spouse, your boss, etc. For example, you can write a bit before going into work, on your lunch break, or before bed. If rearranging your schedule doesn't work, try taking time from something else you are doing, but may not be enjoying as much.
Though writing is important, Robyn makes sure her readers understand that writing is not more important than the job that brings in steady cash flow; it's not more important than you marriage or your children. It's all about balance and finding what works for you and your family.
There are many more great articles in Making Money Freelance Writing, that will be helpful for the novice freelancer. The information is invaluable in educating any freelancer as well as keeping them on the right track. I highly recommend reading this book if you are a freelancer in search of insightful articles from other authors in your field who have been where you are and understand the situations you may be facing.
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